We are living in extraordinary times. The death of Elizabeth II and the accession of the King is the first transfer of monarchical power in 70 years, and there are many changes, great and small, which will sink in gradually over the next days, weeks and months.
The immediate plans for Operation London Bridge, as the death of the Queen was dubbed, became relatively well known over the years. They had been in preparation since the 60s, under constant review and made in great detail, and were activated when Elizabeth died on 8 September. But who is pulling the levers to make everything work?
The senior “operational” member of the Royal Household is the sovereign’s private secretary, Sir Edward Young. He has been a courtier for nearly 20 years, after working first in banking and then in communications. He was one of the organisers of Elizabeth II’s visit to the Republic of Ireland in 2011 and helped to draft her widely lauded speech at Dublin Castle. However, some palace insiders blamed him for allowing the rift with the Duke and Duchess of Sussex to arise and claimed he had not been forthright enough in warning senior royals of the potential conflict.
Co-ordinating the work of the household is the Lord Chamberlain. It is an office which is centuries old, and indeed used to be of cabinet rank. It is now a part-time role but nevertheless holds important convening power. The current Lord Chamberlain is Lord Parker of Minsmere, whose name is not an especially familiar one to the public, but from 2013 to 2020 he was director-general of MI5. His bureaucratic prowess should not be underestimated, therefore, and while he will not taking a leading role in the operation, he is a potential source of wise and experienced counsel.
In the short term, much of the outward presentation of the monarchy will come under the control of the Earl Marshal, who oversees the College of Arms and is in charge of ceremonial arrangements including Elizabeth II’s state funeral. The Office of Earl Marshal is an hereditary one, and is held by the Duke of Norfolk, Edward Fitzalan-Howard. He has held the position for 20 years and is well experienced in the kind of detailed preparation that royal protocol expects and requires.
If much is already laid down and will, to some extent, unfold according to a schedule, there are decisions which still need to be made. The King’s coronation, which will probably take place some time next year, will be King Charles III’s biggest opportunity to make a statement about the kind of sovereign he wants to be. The arrangements over his mother’s ceremony in June 1953 were hotly debated behind palace doors, with traditionalist and modernising factions clashing over all kinds of issues.
The King is faced with the challenge of creating a ceremony which reflects a thousand years of royal history but somehow remains relevant and credible in the world of the 21st century. Elizabeth’s coronation was first and foremost a Christian service – and a Protestant one at that – and, while the King’s personal religious convictions are conventionally Anglican, many suspect he will want to be more inclusive and ecumenical. It is not an easy balance to strike. The monarchy is a fundamentally sacral institution but must retain the confidence, adherence and affection of a public which is dramatically less engaged with organised religion than it was in 1953.
It is also worth noting that the King is the oldest monarch to accede to the throne in British history, at 73. There is no suggestion that he is in anything but vigorous health, but his perspective on being sovereign is inevitably very different from that of his mother who acceded at 25. It may well be, therefore, that the King turns to his son and heir, the Prince of Wales, for support and advice. William shares his father’s passion for conservation, and has also campaigned on the issues of mental health and homelessness, so that may suggest some areas of advocacy for the new régime.
There is a common perception that the role of sovereign is one which is constrained and cramped by convention and precedent. There is truth in that, and the new King will find an endless supply of courtiers who will tell him how things have been done, or how things should be done. We know that he is not always patient with this kind of advice and has chafed against the limitations of his role for years. Things are different now.
The King must choose the kind of monarch he wishes to be. His mother’s example looms large over us all, but Elizabeth’s reign was an exception in length and turbulence, and he would do well to chart his own course. Better than anyone, as the heir for seven decades, he knows how the institutions of the monarchy work and what support they can give him. “The Firm” is, to some extent, a self-perpetuating organisation. But Charles III is the king, and ultimately he has the power to make choices. It will be fascinating for palace-watcher to see how he faces this great challenge of his life.
Eliot Wilson is a writer, broadcaster and former House of Commons clerk
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